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儀礼本尊としての六道絵―六道釈から読み解く聖衆来迎寺本六道絵―
https://doi.org/10.18953/00009182
https://doi.org/10.18953/000091827e879002-7c13-4e09-81f2-20cc07e82ead
| 名前 / ファイル | ライセンス | アクション |
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437_31_Abe_Redacted (1.2 MB)
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| Item type | 学術雑誌論文 / Journal Article(1) | |||||||||
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| 公開日 | 2024-08-31 | |||||||||
| タイトル | ||||||||||
| タイトル | 儀礼本尊としての六道絵―六道釈から読み解く聖衆来迎寺本六道絵― | |||||||||
| タイトル | ||||||||||
| タイトル | Rokudô-e Pictures as Central Worship Images – Using the Rokudô-shaku to Read and Understand the Shôju-raigôji Version Rokudô-e | |||||||||
| 言語 | en | |||||||||
| 言語 | ||||||||||
| 言語 | jpn | |||||||||
| 資源タイプ | ||||||||||
| 資源タイプ識別子 | http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501 | |||||||||
| 資源タイプ | journal article | |||||||||
| ID登録 | ||||||||||
| ID登録 | 10.18953/00009182 | |||||||||
| ID登録タイプ | JaLC | |||||||||
| 著者 |
阿部, 美香
× 阿部, 美香
× Abe, Mika
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| 抄録 | ||||||||||
| 内容記述タイプ | Abstract | |||||||||
| 内容記述 | The Shôju-raigôji [聖衆来迎寺] version Rokudô-e (referred to here as the Shôju-raigôji version) -- a monumental presence within the rokudô-e pictorial form established in the Kamakura period -- is particularly massive in scale, consisting of a set of 15 hanging scrolls. The set further contains numerous shikishi-format [色紙形] cartouches noting the essential elements of Genshin’s Ôjô yôshû [往生要集], which can be called the source text for rokudô-e iconography. Thus, the Shôju-raigôji version is positioned as a core element of the historical development of rokudô-e iconography over Japan’s medieval period. That said, how was this set of scrolls actually used in ritual spaces? In this article I considered this question in terms of the relationship between the Nijûgo zanmai-e [二十五三昧会] ritual, which can be called the ritual practice of the Ôjô yôshû, and the Nijûgo zanmai-shiki [二十五三昧式] (or the Rokudô-shaku [六道釈] and Rokudô-kôshiki [六道講式] formed from the Rokudô chapter of that text). As part of this process, I transcribed and introduced three volumes, namely: 1) scroll 1 of the Ninnaji [仁和寺] version Rokudô-shaku; 2) scroll 1 of the Shôren’in [青蓮院] version Rokudô kôshiki; and 3) scroll 1 of the Rokudô-shiki said to have been handed down in Tosotsudani [都率谷] and recorded in the Gyôzan sôsho [魚山叢書]. Through the analysis of these texts, I then considered the connection between the Shôju-raigôji version iconography and inscription texts and that version’s historical background, including its creation, transmission and legacy. The Ninnaji version Rokudô-shaku was the ritual text used for a Nijûgo zanmai ritual conducted by Fujiwara Motofusa [藤原基房] in 1225. The noteworthy feature of this Ninnaji version is the fact that while it is based on the commonly used Nijûgo zan-shiki (Rokudô kôshiki), it adds some individualistic interpretations, particularly its detailed explanation of the Shiku Hakku [四苦八苦] aspect of the suffering aspect of the human path, a feature which resonates with the iconography depicted in the Shôju-raigôji version. This Ninnaji version Rokudô-shaku repeatedly exhorts a single practitioner it calls “we” [我等] to consider the suffering of the six “paths” and thus pray for all sentient beings to shed suffering and attain enlightenment. If we then refer to the Shôju-raigôji version -- which is a visualization of the six paths in the form of rokudô-e with the added element of the King Yama [閻魔王] precinct -- we can see that such visualizations are an effective medium for considering one’s own suffering on the six paths in order to save both self and others. Further, the transcriber of the Ninnaji version, Han-e [範恵], is thought to have been a great grandson of Agui Chôken [安居院澄憲], and thus it is possible that the Ninnaji version text draws from the Agui Chôken Rokudô-shaku lineage. The Shôju-raigôji version, which reveals a close connection to the Ninnaji verison, can thus also be surmised to have been formulated on the basis of the accumulation of conversion rituals conducted by Agui. Scroll 1 of the Shôren’in version Rokudô kôshiki is thought to have been compiled by Shôren’in priests as memorial offerings for Shingen [真玄], the head priest responsible for Shôju-raigôji’s middle period resurgence, and thus we can surmise connection between the Shôren’in version and the history of Shôju-raigôji. The Rokudô kôshiki consists of a three section kôshiki ritual written by Jien [慈円] (1155-1225) on the basis of the Rokudô-shaku held for the Nijûgo zanmai rituals conducted during the Jôkyû Disturbance [承久の乱], which in turn Jien then continued for his own Nijûgo zanmai rituals; and those memories were then handed on and continued. The Nijûgo zanmai rituals held by Jien marked the beginning of Kamakura period Nijûgo zanmai practices which were then inherited and continued. I next indicated that after the Shôrein’in version Rokudô kôshiki followed the above-described historical process, the Shôju-raigôji version Rokudô-e was created in the late Kamakura period as a new religious iconography based on the context of the Nijûgo zanmai rituals. I then further explained how such practices were handed down and continued at Shôju-raigôji in the late Muromachi period. The Rokudô shiki contained in the Shôrin’in [勝林院] version Gyôzan sôsho is a transcription dated 1585, which has been handed down as the "source ritual" in Tosotsudani. Ryôzen’in [霊山院] and Kedai’in [華台院] are located in Tosotsudani, Yokawa, Mt. Hiei, and of the many Rokudô-shaku versions, it is the text handed down in the place geographically closest to the Shôju-raigôji version Rokudô-e. Both its interpretation and context resonate with that of the Ninnaji version Rokudô-shaku, while also developing its own interpretations. Given its abbreviated version of the human path section which is one of the characteristic Ninnaji version features, and its extremely abstracted expression, overall the Shôrin’in version displays a highly general-purpose nature. Another noteworthy aspect of the Shôrin’in version is the addition of a section after the Rokudô-shaku urging reflection on the part of the congregation and listeners, thus indicating that it is a text aware of actual Nijûgo zanmai ritual practices. In this manner, the actual site of Nijûgo zanmai practices that developed along with Agui’s explanations of the Buddhist teachings and Jien’s revival of the Nijûgo zanmai were visualized in the medieval period through the interpretation and mutual referencing of the Ninnaji version Rokudô-shaku, the Shôren’in version Rokudô kôshiki, and the Tosotsudani version (Shôrin’in version) Rokudô-shaku. We can then posit that if rokudô-e were physically positioned within those ritual spaces, then the rokudô-e was considered iconography that functioned as the central worship image for such a ritual. It stood as a personification of the ritual context in which the practitioner would consider the six paths under confessions to the King Yama; develop a heart that desires escaping the pain of the real world, and with other practitioners, aim to be mutually reborn as spiritual guides or spiritual friends and extend that merit to all living beings within the six paths. Thus, I suggest that the Shôju-raigôji version Rokudô-e should not be considered simply as explanatory pictures for illustrated preaching sessions, but rather, should be seen as the Nijûgo zanmai ritual central worship image that was created from this historical sequence of circumstances and events. |
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| 書誌情報 |
美術研究 en : The bijutsu kenkyu : the journal of art studies 号 437, p. 31-44, 発行日 2022-08-30 |
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